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Reasons for the increasing attraction of anarchism & the declining interest in Marxist socialism in the US are considered. A historical overview of leftist movements & organizations in the US & of the shifting popularity between Marxist & anarchism during the 20th century's first half is presented. Integration of messianic sentiment into anarchist movements during the 1960s is discussed; & the combination of anarchist, feminist, & environmentalist perspectives in forming nonviolence mass obedience demonstrations, particularly against the proliferation of nuclear power, is addressed. Despite the continued legacy of these anarchist-influenced movements, aspects of anarchism are deemed highly problematic, eg, absence of clearly defined leadership. It is argued that anarchism has emerged in current American society in the form of movements against globalization processes; however, many participants in these struggles do not consider themselves anarchist. The centrality of the debate concerning the acceptability of violence in antiglobalization movements is also addressed. It is concluded that the emergence of a new leftist movement in the US will most likely combine elements of traditional anarchism & Marxism. J. W. Parker

Objectives. This research examines & evaluates the reasons why the anti-globalization movement has yet to make significant progress in achieving its primary goals of democratizing international trade negotiation processes. Methods. Data on anti-globalization protest cycles were collected from news sources for a time period of up to one month that encapsulated the protest events. From these, I constructed brief case narratives of the major events in Seattle, Washington, DC, Prague, Quebec City, Genoa, & Doha to illustrate my argument. Results. I find that the democratic master frame employed by the movement results in two important limitations: (1) the movement cannot exclude participants without undermining its legitimacy, & (2) its lack of a centralized organizational framework makes it impossible to police the actions of participants during major protests. Recognizing these limitations, states hosting global economic summits have demonstrated increasingly a willingness to utilize repressive measures against the movement thereby undermining the movement's ability to achieve its goals. Conclusion. I conclude that the inability of the anti-globalization movement to exclude violent participants will continue to limit its effectiveness given states' increasing willingness to employ repressive tactics indiscriminately. 2 Figures, 84 References. Adapted from the source document.

Objectives. This research examines and evaluates the reasons why the anti‐globalization movement has yet to make significant progress in achieving its primary goals of democratizing international trade negotiation processes.Methods. Data on anti‐globalization protest cycles were collected from news sources for a time period of up to one month that encapsulated the protest events. From these, I constructed brief case narratives of the major events in Seattle, Washington, DC, Prague, Quebec City, Genoa, and Doha to illustrate my argument.Results. I find that the democratic master frame employed by the movement results in two important limitations: (1) the movement cannot exclude participants without undermining its legitimacy, and (2) its lack of a centralized organizational framework makes it impossible to police the actions of participants during major protests. Recognizing these limitations, states hosting global economic summits have demonstrated increasingly a willingness to utilize repressive measures against the movement thereby undermining the movement's ability to achieve its goals.Conclusion. I conclude that the inability of the anti‐globalization movement to exclude violent participants will continue to limit its effectiveness given states' increasing willingness to employ repressive tactics indiscriminately.

Between 1981 and 1983, the mobilization against Euromissiles introduced an extraordinary novelty in Italian social and political history. The Italian anti-nuclear movement took off later than in other European countries and its main feature was a politicization unknown elsewhere. The movement developed on the basis of a double and contrary youth mobilization: the first coming from the Communists and the second from the New Left. The movement was not only manifold, but also radically divided about its goals (balanced disarmament vs. unilateralism, atomic weapons vs. nuclear energy, nuclear issue vs. military budget) and methods of protests (pleas vs. conscientious objections, mass demonstrations vs. civil disobedience, referendums vs. tax objections). Continuous disagreements conditioned and weakened the anti-nuclear movement, even when the axis of the protest was transferred to Comiso, to which and from which the PCI and the Radical Party promoted different and contrary marches. Even when, in 1983, a unanimous framework was approved, a common mobilization remained difficult, both in Comiso and in Rome. The movement was only a vast, heterogeneous and divergent coalition, but it expressed a common political base and culture. Neither Communist nor pacifist, but influenced by the New Left protest against traditional political parties, the new culture was rooted in environmentalism, pessimism, nuclear catastrophism, anti-Americanism, new socialism, disarmed unilateralism, and an opposition to everything that resembled traditional politics. The movement worried the Italian government, but it never represented a real political danger and never even succeeded in bringing the nuclear issue to the foreground. Nonetheless, it deeply changed the Italian political culture: it brought new styles and sensibilities, unknown to the traditional left. For the first time, criticisms of ideologies and parties, direct action, civil disobedience and individualism split Christian Democratics from their Catholic grassroots and Communists from the youth.

In November 1999, fifty-thousand anti-globalization activists converged on Seattle to shut down the World Trade Organization's Ministerial Meeting. Using innovative and network-based strategies, the protesters left police flummoxed, desperately searching for ways to control the emerging anti-corporate globalization movement. Faced with these network-based tactics, law enforcement agencies transformed their policing and social control mechanisms to manage this new threat. Policing Dissent provides a firsthand account of the changing nature of control efforts employed by law enforcement agencies

The anti-globalization movement is resolutely anti-imperialist, and increasingly says so. It works on issues of economic, political, and cultural justice and autonomy of indigenous people and the Global South, as well as workers and oppressed people in the Global North. Despite this good work, the North American segment of the movement has been harshly criticized by anti-racists within and outside the movement. This paper examines the anti-racist discourse about the movement. It begins with a comprehensive survey of the data available on these issues. The following analysis pursues a number of dimensions, ?nding that movement "framing" by activists as well as outsiders has played a powerful role in alienating anti-racists from the anti-globalization movement, thatanti-racists are not satis?ed by the way in which the anti-globalization movement connects the global and the local, that it is organizing strategy (neither goals nor tactics) that is often a source of con?ict, that this strategic di?erence re?ects assumptions of how empowerment happens and of subjectivities of proto-activists, that the anti-globalization movement's assumptions are rooted in a white cultural individualism, and that this individualism also explains why countercultural politics are often experienced as exclusionary by activists of colour. The paper concludes by suggesting the use of Massimo deAngelis' re-articulation of the meanings and practices of responsibility and solidarity in the anti-globalization movement.